"\u003chtml xmlns:o=\"urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office\"\r\nxmlns:w=\"urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word\"\r\nxmlns=\"http://www.w3.org/TR/REC-html40\"\u003e\r\n\r\n\u003chead\u003e\r\n\u003cmeta http-equiv=Content-Type content=\"text/html; charset=windows-1252\"\u003e\r\n\u003cmeta name=ProgId content=Word.Document\u003e\r\n\u003cmeta name=Generator content=\"Microsoft Word 11\"\u003e\r\n\u003cmeta name=Originator content=\"Microsoft Word 11\"\u003e\r\n\u003clink rel=File-List href=\"2011J5_files/filelist.xml\"\u003e\r\n\u003ctitle\u003eA TECHNICAL REVIEW OF THE CONSTITUTION (EIGHTEENTH AMENDMENT) ACT 2010\u003c/title\u003e\r\n\u003c!--[if gte mso 9]\u003e\u003cxml\u003e\r\n \u003co:DocumentProperties\u003e\r\n  \u003co:Author\u003eAdil Hafeez\u003c/o:Author\u003e\r\n  \u003co:Template\u003eNormal\u003c/o:Template\u003e\r\n  \u003co:LastAuthor\u003eAdil Hafeez\u003c/o:LastAuthor\u003e\r\n  \u003co:Revision\u003e2\u003c/o:Revision\u003e\r\n  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@page\r\n\t{mso-page-border-surround-header:no;\r\n\tmso-page-border-surround-footer:no;}\r\n@page Section1\r\n\t{size:8.5in 11.0in;\r\n\tmargin:1.0in 1.25in 1.0in 1.25in;\r\n\tmso-header-margin:.5in;\r\n\tmso-footer-margin:.5in;\r\n\tmso-paper-source:0;}\r\ndiv.Section1\r\n\t{page:Section1;}\r\n--\u003e\r\n\u003c/style\u003e\r\n\u003c!--[if gte mso 10]\u003e\r\n\u003cstyle\u003e\r\n /* Style Definitions */\r\n table.MsoNormalTable\r\n\t{mso-style-name:\"Table Normal\";\r\n\tmso-tstyle-rowband-size:0;\r\n\tmso-tstyle-colband-size:0;\r\n\tmso-style-noshow:yes;\r\n\tmso-style-parent:\"\";\r\n\tmso-padding-alt:0in 5.4pt 0in 5.4pt;\r\n\tmso-para-margin:0in;\r\n\tmso-para-margin-bottom:.0001pt;\r\n\tmso-pagination:widow-orphan;\r\n\tfont-size:10.0pt;\r\n\tfont-family:\"Times New Roman\";\r\n\tmso-ansi-language:#0400;\r\n\tmso-fareast-language:#0400;\r\n\tmso-bidi-language:#0400;}\r\n\u003c/style\u003e\r\n\u003c![endif]--\u003e\r\n\u003c/head\u003e\r\n\r\n\u003cbody lang=EN-US style=\u0027tab-interval:.5in;text-justify-trim:punctuation\u0027\u003e\r\n\r\n\u003cdiv class=Section1\u003e\r\n\r\n\u003cp class=MsoNormal align=center style=\u0027text-align:center;mso-pagination:none;\r\nmso-layout-grid-align:none;text-autospace:none\u0027\u003e\u003cb\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0027letter-spacing:\r\n.2pt\u0027\u003e\u003co:p\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/o:p\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/b\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\r\n\r\n\u003cp class=MsoNormal align=center style=\u0027text-align:center;mso-pagination:none;\r\nmso-layout-grid-align:none;text-autospace:none\u0027\u003e\u003cb\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0027letter-spacing:\r\n.2pt\u0027\u003eA TECHNICAL REVIEW OF THE CONSTITUTION (EIGHTEENTH AMENDMENT) ACT 2010\u003co:p\u003e\u003c/o:p\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/b\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\r\n\r\n\u003cp class=MsoNormal align=center style=\u0027text-align:center;mso-pagination:none;\r\nmso-layout-grid-align:none;text-autospace:none\u0027\u003e\u003cb\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0027letter-spacing:\r\n.2pt\u0027\u003e\u003co:p\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/o:p\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/b\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\r\n\r\n\u003cp class=MsoNormal align=center style=\u0027text-align:center;mso-pagination:none;\r\nmso-layout-grid-align:none;text-autospace:none\u0027\u003e\u003cb\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0027letter-spacing:\r\n.2pt\u0027\u003eBy\u003co:p\u003e\u003c/o:p\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/b\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\r\n\r\n\u003cp class=MsoNormal align=center style=\u0027text-align:center;mso-pagination:none;\r\nmso-layout-grid-align:none;text-autospace:none\u0027\u003e\u003cb\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0027letter-spacing:\r\n.2pt\u0027\u003e\u003co:p\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/o:p\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/b\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\r\n\r\n\u003cp class=MsoNormal align=center style=\u0027text-align:center;mso-pagination:none;\r\nmso-layout-grid-align:none;text-autospace:none\u0027\u003e\u003cb\u003eMohsin Abbas Syed,\u003co:p\u003e\u003c/o:p\u003e\u003c/b\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\r\n\r\n\u003cp class=MsoNormal align=center style=\u0027text-align:center;mso-pagination:none;\r\nmso-layout-grid-align:none;text-autospace:none\u0027\u003e\u003cb\u003eDirector, Legislation \u0026amp;\r\nParliamentary Affairs\u003co:p\u003e\u003c/o:p\u003e\u003c/b\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\r\n\r\n\u003cp class=MsoNormal align=center style=\u0027text-align:center;mso-pagination:none;\r\nmso-layout-grid-align:none;text-autospace:none\u0027\u003e\u003cb\u003eGovernment of Punjab, Lahore\u003co:p\u003e\u003c/o:p\u003e\u003c/b\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\r\n\r\n\u003cp class=MsoNormal style=\u0027text-align:justify;mso-pagination:none;mso-layout-grid-align:\r\nnone;text-autospace:none\u0027\u003e\u003co:p\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/o:p\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\r\n\r\n\u003cp class=MsoNormal style=\u0027text-align:justify;mso-pagination:none;mso-layout-grid-align:\r\nnone;text-autospace:none\u0027\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0027letter-spacing:.2pt\u0027\u003eConstitution\r\nreflects aspirations of the people of a society. A citizen owes allegiance to\r\nthe Constitution. In this sense, Constitution is a social contract between\r\ncitizens of a State. It is the fundamental law of a nation, which describes the\r\nState and the extent of exercise of State authority. Preamble of the\r\nConstitution of the Islamic Republic \u003c/span\u003eof \u003cspan style=\u0027letter-spacing:\r\n.2pt\u0027\u003ePakistan says we, the people of Pakistan    ..through our representatives\r\nin the National, Assembly, adopt, enact and give to ourselves, this\r\nConstitution\u003cb\u003e\u003csup\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0027color:red\u0027\u003e1\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/sup\u003e\u003c/b\u003e. It is peoples\u0027\r\ndocument and the Constitution belongs to the people of Pakistan. This\r\nconstitutional spirit has been reflected for the first time after the making of\r\nthe Constitution in 1973, when the Parliamentary Committee on Constitutional\r\nReforms developed a broader agreement on major constitutional\u003cb\u003e\u003csup\u003e\u003cspan\r\nstyle=\u0027color:red\u0027\u003e1\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/sup\u003e\u003c/b\u003e issues. The Committee and especially its\r\nChairman have done a marvellous job in developing the broader political\r\nconsensus in an otherwise fragmented society.\u003co:p\u003e\u003c/o:p\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\r\n\r\n\u003cp class=MsoNormal style=\u0027text-align:justify;mso-pagination:none;mso-layout-grid-align:\r\nnone;text-autospace:none\u0027\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0027letter-spacing:.2pt\u0027\u003e\u003co:p\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/o:p\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\r\n\r\n\u003cp class=MsoNormal style=\u0027text-align:justify;mso-pagination:none;mso-layout-grid-align:\r\nnone;text-autospace:none\u0027\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0027font-size:10.0pt;color:red;letter-spacing:\r\n.3pt\u0027\u003e1. Last paragraph of the preamble of the Constitution of the Islamic\r\nRepublic of Pakistan.\u003co:p\u003e\u003c/o:p\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\r\n\r\n\u003cp class=MsoNormal style=\u0027text-align:justify;mso-pagination:none;mso-layout-grid-align:\r\nnone;text-autospace:none\u0027\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0027letter-spacing:.2pt\u0027\u003e\u003co:p\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/o:p\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\r\n\r\n\u003cp class=MsoNormal style=\u0027text-align:justify;mso-pagination:none;mso-layout-grid-align:\r\nnone;text-autospace:none\u0027\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0027letter-spacing:.2pt\u0027\u003eInclusion of the\r\nfundamental rights of fair trial and due process\u003cb\u003e\u003csup\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0027color:\r\nred\u0027\u003e2\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/sup\u003e\u003c/b\u003e, access to information\u003cb\u003e\u003csup\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0027color:red\u0027\u003e3\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/sup\u003e\u003c/b\u003e,\r\nfree and compulsory education\u003cb\u003e\u003csup\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0027color:red\u0027\u003e4\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/sup\u003e\u003c/b\u003e\r\nwill go a long way in the progress of the nation. The restoration of\r\nparliamentary form of Governments\u003cb\u003e\u003csup\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0027color:red\u0027\u003e5\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/sup\u003e\u003c/b\u003e,\r\nenhancement of Provincial autonomy\u003cb\u003e\u003csup\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0027color:red\u0027\u003e6\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/sup\u003e\u003c/b\u003e,\r\ndefence of the Constitution\u003cb\u003e\u003csup\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0027color:red\u0027\u003e7\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/sup\u003e\u003c/b\u003e\r\nand reforms in the appointment of Judges\u003cb\u003e\u003csup\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0027color:red\u0027\u003e8\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/sup\u003e\u003c/b\u003e,\r\nChief Election Commissioner and members of the Election Commission\u003cb\u003e\u003csup\u003e\u003cspan\r\nstyle=\u0027color:red\u0027\u003e9\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/sup\u003e\u003c/b\u003e are the notable policy objectives of the\r\nreforms introduced through the Eighteenth Amendment Act. The Act is based on\r\nthese excellent policy parameters but it is not without technical errors.\r\nConstitution and its various provisions are frequently cited in various\r\nwritings and forums of the world. Even a small mistake in the Constitution that\r\nmay be of a comma or full-stop should not have been an acceptable option. Here\r\nare some of the purely technical errors in the Eighteenth Amendment Act which\r\nrequire attention of the Parliamentarians and national leaders.\u003co:p\u003e\u003c/o:p\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\r\n\r\n\u003cp class=MsoNormal style=\u0027text-align:justify;mso-pagination:none;mso-layout-grid-align:\r\nnone;text-autospace:none\u0027\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0027letter-spacing:.2pt\u0027\u003e\u003co:p\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/o:p\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\r\n\r\n\u003cp class=MsoNormal style=\u0027text-align:justify;mso-pagination:none;mso-layout-grid-align:\r\nnone;text-autospace:none\u0027\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0027font-size:10.0pt;color:red\u0027\u003e2. \u003cspan\r\nstyle=\u0027letter-spacing:.3pt\u0027\u003eArticle 10A of the Constitution.\u003co:p\u003e\u003c/o:p\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\r\n\r\n\u003cp class=MsoNormal style=\u0027text-align:justify;mso-pagination:none;mso-layout-grid-align:\r\nnone;text-autospace:none\u0027\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0027font-size:10.0pt;color:red;letter-spacing:\r\n.2pt\u0027\u003e\u003co:p\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/o:p\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\r\n\r\n\u003cp class=MsoNormal style=\u0027text-align:justify;mso-pagination:none;mso-layout-grid-align:\r\nnone;text-autospace:none\u0027\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0027font-size:10.0pt;color:red;letter-spacing:\r\n.2pt\u0027\u003e3. \u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0027font-size:10.0pt;color:red;letter-spacing:.3pt\u0027\u003eArticle\r\n19A of the Constitution.\u003co:p\u003e\u003c/o:p\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\r\n\r\n\u003cp class=MsoNormal style=\u0027text-align:justify;mso-pagination:none;mso-layout-grid-align:\r\nnone;text-autospace:none\u0027\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0027font-size:10.0pt;color:red;letter-spacing:\r\n.3pt\u0027\u003e\u003co:p\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/o:p\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\r\n\r\n\u003cp class=MsoNormal style=\u0027text-align:justify;mso-pagination:none;mso-layout-grid-align:\r\nnone;text-autospace:none\u0027\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0027font-size:10.0pt;color:red;letter-spacing:\r\n.3pt\u0027\u003e4. Article 25A of the Constitution.\u003co:p\u003e\u003c/o:p\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\r\n\r\n\u003cp class=MsoNormal style=\u0027text-align:justify;mso-pagination:none;mso-layout-grid-align:\r\nnone;text-autospace:none\u0027\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0027font-size:10.0pt;color:red;letter-spacing:\r\n.2pt\u0027\u003e\u003co:p\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/o:p\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\r\n\r\n\u003cp class=MsoNormal style=\u0027text-align:justify;mso-pagination:none;mso-layout-grid-align:\r\nnone;text-autospace:none\u0027\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0027font-size:10.0pt;color:red;letter-spacing:\r\n.2pt\u0027\u003e5. \u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0027font-size:10.0pt;color:red;letter-spacing:.3pt\u0027\u003eSections\r\n15, 17, 28, 29, 31, 35, 36, 37, 38, 40, 42, 43 \u0026amp; 46 of the Constitution\r\n(18th Amendment) Act, 2010.\u003co:p\u003e\u003c/o:p\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\r\n\r\n\u003cp class=MsoNormal style=\u0027text-align:justify;mso-pagination:none;mso-layout-grid-align:\r\nnone;text-autospace:none\u0027\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0027font-size:10.0pt;color:red\u0027\u003e\u003co:p\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/o:p\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\r\n\r\n\u003cp class=MsoNormal style=\u0027text-align:justify;mso-pagination:none;mso-layout-grid-align:\r\nnone;text-autospace:none\u0027\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0027font-size:10.0pt;color:red\u0027\u003e6. \u003cspan\r\nstyle=\u0027letter-spacing:.3pt\u0027\u003eSections 12, 34, 35, 37, 38, 42, 43, 46, 49, 53,\r\n54, 55, 56, 57, 59, 60, 61, 65 and 101 of the Constitution (18th Amendment)\r\nAct, 2010.\u003co:p\u003e\u003c/o:p\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\r\n\r\n\u003cp class=MsoNormal style=\u0027text-align:justify;mso-pagination:none;mso-layout-grid-align:\r\nnone;text-autospace:none\u0027\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0027font-size:10.0pt;color:red;letter-spacing:\r\n.3pt\u0027\u003e\u003co:p\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/o:p\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\r\n\r\n\u003cp class=MsoNormal style=\u0027text-align:justify;mso-pagination:none;mso-layout-grid-align:\r\nnone;text-autospace:none\u0027\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0027font-size:10.0pt;color:red;letter-spacing:\r\n.3pt\u0027\u003e7. Sections 4 of the Constitution (18th Amendment) Act, 2010.\u003co:p\u003e\u003c/o:p\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\r\n\r\n\u003cp class=MsoNormal style=\u0027text-align:justify;mso-pagination:none;mso-layout-grid-align:\r\nnone;text-autospace:none\u0027\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0027font-size:10.0pt;color:red;letter-spacing:\r\n.2pt\u0027\u003e\u003co:p\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/o:p\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\r\n\r\n\u003cp class=MsoNormal style=\u0027text-align:justify;mso-pagination:none;mso-layout-grid-align:\r\nnone;text-autospace:none\u0027\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0027font-size:10.0pt;color:red;letter-spacing:\r\n.2pt\u0027\u003e8. \u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0027font-size:10.0pt;color:red;letter-spacing:.3pt\u0027\u003eSections\r\n67, 68, 69 \u0026amp; 74 of the Constitution (18th Amendment) Act, 2010 \u003co:p\u003e\u003c/o:p\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\r\n\r\n\u003cp class=MsoNormal style=\u0027text-align:justify;mso-pagination:none;mso-layout-grid-align:\r\nnone;text-autospace:none\u0027\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0027font-size:10.0pt;color:red;letter-spacing:\r\n.3pt\u0027\u003e\u003co:p\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/o:p\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\r\n\r\n\u003cp class=MsoNormal style=\u0027text-align:justify;mso-pagination:none;mso-layout-grid-align:\r\nnone;text-autospace:none\u0027\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0027font-size:10.0pt;color:red;letter-spacing:\r\n.3pt\u0027\u003e9. Sections 77 \u0026amp; 80 of the Constitution (18th Amendment) Act, 2010.\u003co:p\u003e\u003c/o:p\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\r\n\r\n\u003cp class=MsoNormal style=\u0027text-align:justify;mso-pagination:none;mso-layout-grid-align:\r\nnone;text-autospace:none\u0027\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0027letter-spacing:.2pt\u0027\u003e\u003co:p\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/o:p\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\r\n\r\n\u003cp class=MsoNormal style=\u0027text-align:justify;mso-pagination:none;mso-layout-grid-align:\r\nnone;text-autospace:none\u0027\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0027letter-spacing:.2pt\u0027\u003eModern legislative\r\ndrafting favours the use of active and not the passive voice in structuring a\r\nlegislative sentence\u003cb\u003e\u003csup\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0027color:red\u0027\u003e10\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/sup\u003e\u003c/b\u003e. Who\r\ndoes what should be the basic rule for structuring a legislative sentence\u003cb\u003e\u003csup\u003e\u003cspan\r\nstyle=\u0027color:red\u0027\u003e11\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/sup\u003e\u003c/b\u003e. The Act predominately uses the passive\r\nvoice in the structure of legislative sentences. Most of the provision of the\r\nAct do not answer the question \u0027who\u0027. The expression \u0027provided that\u0027 has no\r\nclear meaning in the English language and it only confuses the reader\u003cb\u003e\u003csup\u003e\u003cspan\r\nstyle=\u0027color:red\u0027\u003e12\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/sup\u003e\u003c/b\u003e. Hardly any modern legislative drafter\r\nuses this expression and use of separate legislative sentence as exception,\r\ncondition or explanation brings clarity to the language of the law. This\r\narchaic vague legislative expression has frequently been used in the Act. There\r\nare about 46 provisos in the 18th Amendment Act.\u003co:p\u003e\u003c/o:p\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\r\n\r\n\u003cp class=MsoNormal style=\u0027text-align:justify;mso-pagination:none;mso-layout-grid-align:\r\nnone;text-autospace:none\u0027\u003e\u003co:p\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/o:p\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\r\n\r\n\u003cp class=MsoNormal style=\u0027text-align:justify;mso-pagination:none;mso-layout-grid-align:\r\nnone;text-autospace:none\u0027\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0027font-size:10.0pt;color:red;letter-spacing:\r\n.2pt\u0027\u003e10 \u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0027font-size:10.0pt;color:red;letter-spacing:.3pt\u0027\u003eat\r\npages 238 \u0026amp; 273 \u0027Legislative Drafting for Democratic Social Change: A\r\nManual for Drafters\u0027 2004 edition by Ann Seidman, Robert B. Seidman and Nalin\r\nAbeysekere.\u003co:p\u003e\u003c/o:p\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\r\n\r\n\u003cp class=MsoNormal style=\u0027text-align:justify;mso-pagination:none;mso-layout-grid-align:\r\nnone;text-autospace:none\u0027\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0027font-size:10.0pt;color:red;letter-spacing:\r\n.2pt\u0027\u003e\u003co:p\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/o:p\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\r\n\r\n\u003cp class=MsoNormal style=\u0027text-align:justify;mso-pagination:none;mso-layout-grid-align:\r\nnone;text-autospace:none\u0027\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0027font-size:10.0pt;color:red;letter-spacing:\r\n.2pt\u0027\u003e11. \u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0027font-size:10.0pt;color:red;letter-spacing:.3pt\u0027\u003eibid,\r\nat pages 234-237.\u003co:p\u003e\u003c/o:p\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\r\n\r\n\u003cp class=MsoNormal style=\u0027text-align:justify;mso-pagination:none;mso-layout-grid-align:\r\nnone;text-autospace:none\u0027\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0027font-size:10.0pt;color:red\u0027\u003e\u003co:p\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/o:p\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\r\n\r\n\u003cp class=MsoNormal style=\u0027text-align:justify;mso-pagination:none;mso-layout-grid-align:\r\nnone;text-autospace:none\u0027\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0027font-size:10.0pt;color:red\u0027\u003e12. \u003cspan\r\nstyle=\u0027letter-spacing:.3pt\u0027\u003eibid, at page 249.\u003co:p\u003e\u003c/o:p\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\r\n\r\n\u003cp class=MsoNormal style=\u0027text-align:justify;mso-pagination:none;mso-layout-grid-align:\r\nnone;text-autospace:none\u0027\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0027letter-spacing:.3pt\u0027\u003e\u003co:p\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/o:p\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\r\n\r\n\u003cp class=MsoNormal style=\u0027text-align:justify;mso-pagination:none;mso-layout-grid-align:\r\nnone;text-autospace:none\u0027\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0027letter-spacing:.2pt\u0027\u003eThe laws especially\r\nthe Constitution reflect the will of the people. They should know the precise\r\ndate on which a new law or a legal provision becomes operative\u003cb\u003e\u003csup\u003e\u003cspan\r\nstyle=\u0027color:red\u0027\u003e13\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/sup\u003e\u003c/b\u003e. If there are provisions in an Act which\r\nbecome operative retrospectively or prospectively, additional of a schedule is\r\na preferred mode for specifying the date of coming into force of that\r\nprovision. It relieves the law from unnecessary burden of effectiveness\r\nprovisions written alongside its main provisions. This rule has not been\r\nfollowed in drafting the Eighteenth Amendment Act. The provisions of Articles\r\n59, 63A, 92, 130, 215, 267, 267B, 270B and 270BB unnecessarily burden the\r\nConstitution. Some of these provisions will become redundant after passage of requisite\r\ntime. Repeated use of the words like \u0027mutatis mutandis, such, said, thereon,\r\nthereof, hereby, each, any, every, all etc.\u0027 in the Act is also against the\r\nnorms of legislative drafting as these words are either not commonly understood\r\nor do not add clear meaning to a legislative sentence\u003cb\u003e\u003csup\u003e\u003cspan\r\nstyle=\u0027color:red\u0027\u003e14\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/sup\u003e\u003c/b\u003e. Some of them are part of \u0027legalese\u0027,\r\nlanguage of lawyers and Judges\u003cb\u003e\u003csup\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0027color:red\u0027\u003e15\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/sup\u003e\u003c/b\u003e.\r\nLanguage of this peoples\u0027 document should have been as simple as possible.\u003co:p\u003e\u003c/o:p\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\r\n\r\n\u003cp class=MsoNormal style=\u0027text-align:justify;mso-pagination:none;mso-layout-grid-align:\r\nnone;text-autospace:none\u0027\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0027letter-spacing:.2pt\u0027\u003e\u003co:p\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/o:p\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\r\n\r\n\u003cp class=MsoNormal style=\u0027text-align:justify;mso-pagination:none;mso-layout-grid-align:\r\nnone;text-autospace:none\u0027\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0027font-size:10.0pt;color:red\u0027\u003e13. at page\r\n323, `Legislative Drafting for Democratic Social Change: A Manual for Drafters\u0027\r\n2004 edition by Ann Seidman, Robert B. Seidman and Nalin Abeysekere..\u003co:p\u003e\u003c/o:p\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\r\n\r\n\u003cp class=MsoNormal style=\u0027text-align:justify;mso-pagination:none;mso-layout-grid-align:\r\nnone;text-autospace:none\u0027\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0027font-size:10.0pt;color:red\u0027\u003e\u003co:p\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/o:p\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\r\n\r\n\u003cp class=MsoNormal style=\u0027text-align:justify;mso-pagination:none;mso-layout-grid-align:\r\nnone;text-autospace:none\u0027\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0027font-size:10.0pt;color:red\u0027\u003e14. ibid, at\r\npages 240 \u0026amp; 274.\u003co:p\u003e\u003c/o:p\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\r\n\r\n\u003cp class=MsoNormal style=\u0027text-align:justify;mso-pagination:none;mso-layout-grid-align:\r\nnone;text-autospace:none\u0027\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0027font-size:10.0pt;color:red\u0027\u003e\u003co:p\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/o:p\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\r\n\r\n\u003cp class=MsoNormal style=\u0027text-align:justify;mso-pagination:none;mso-layout-grid-align:\r\nnone;text-autospace:none\u0027\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0027font-size:10.0pt;color:red\u0027\u003e15. ibid, at\r\npage 274.\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0027letter-spacing:.2pt\u0027\u003e\u003co:p\u003e\u003c/o:p\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\r\n\r\n\u003cp class=MsoNormal style=\u0027text-align:justify;mso-pagination:none;mso-layout-grid-align:\r\nnone;text-autospace:none\u0027\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0027letter-spacing:.2pt\u0027\u003e\u003co:p\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/o:p\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\r\n\r\n\u003cp class=MsoNormal style=\u0027text-align:justify;mso-pagination:none;mso-layout-grid-align:\r\nnone;text-autospace:none\u0027\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0027letter-spacing:.2pt\u0027\u003eClause by clause\r\nreview of the Act reveals many more errors of drafting. Use of the word \u0027and\u0027\r\nbetween \u0027Supreme Court\u0027 and \u0027a High Court\u0027 in Article 6(2A) would mean both the\r\nCourts jointly and not severally prohibited from validating an act of high\r\ntreason. The word \u0027or\u0027 should have been the choice of the drafter of the Act to\r\nbring clarity in the provision. In Article 63(1)(c), the use of the word \u0027or\u0027\r\nmakes \u003c/span\u003ea \u003cspan style=\u0027letter-spacing:.2pt\u0027\u003ePakistani disqualified from\r\nbeing elected as member of the Parliament if he has, at any time, acquired\r\ncitizenship of a foreign State but it, does not disqualify a citizen of a\r\nforeign State who has become a citizen of Pakistan. If this is declared \u003c/span\u003epolicy\r\n\u003cspan style=\u0027letter-spacing:.2pt\u0027\u003eof the Committee then both the persons should\r\nhave been disqualified. Article 63(3) makes the Election Commission as the only\r\nand final arbiter in case of alleged disqualification of a member of Parliament.\r\nNo provision of even a single appeal is provided against the decision of\r\nElection Commission which is contrary to the fundamental norm of fair procedure\r\nfor determination of rights enshrined in our legal system.\u003co:p\u003e\u003c/o:p\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\r\n\r\n\u003cp class=MsoNormal style=\u0027text-align:justify;mso-pagination:none;mso-layout-grid-align:\r\nnone;text-autospace:none\u0027\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0027letter-spacing:.2pt\u0027\u003e\u003co:p\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/o:p\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\r\n\r\n\u003cp class=MsoNormal style=\u0027text-align:justify;mso-pagination:none;mso-layout-grid-align:\r\nnone;text-autospace:none\u0027\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0027letter-spacing:.2pt\u0027\u003eArticle 63A(1)(b)\r\ndoes not specify how a Parliamentary Party will issue directions to its members\r\nand in the explanation, expression \u0027political party\u0027 should have been used\r\ninstead of the word \u0027Party\u0027 while defining the term \u0027Party Head\u0027. These defects\r\nin this Article may not achieve the desired objective of eradication of\r\ndefections in the \u003c/span\u003eParliament. The proviso of Article 91(5) could have\r\nbeen avoided by repealing the law that imposes restriction on the number of\r\nterms for the office of the Prime Minister\u003cb\u003e\u003csup\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0027color:red\u0027\u003e16\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/sup\u003e\u003c/b\u003e.\r\nThe amendment in Article 122(2) omits proviso without substituting the colon\r\nwith a full-stop. The Constitution consistently uses the words \u0027Election\r\nCommission\u0027 but the drafter of the Act has preferred to write \u0027Election\r\nCommission of Pakistan\u0027 in the Article 140A(2). Even the Article 218, under\r\nwhich Election Commission is established, does not call it \u0027Election Commission\r\nof Pakistan\u0027 but merely \u0027Election Commission\u0027. Article 1(2)(b) confines the\r\ndescription of Islamabad Capital Territory to the words \u0027Federal Capital\u0027.\r\nThese words `are\u0027 also used in Articles 51, 59, 62 etc. to describe the\r\nIslamabad Capital Territory. Use -of this description should have been\r\npreferred in the amendment in Article 175(1). The terms \u0027Treasury Benches\u0027,\r\n\u0027Opposition Benches\u0027, \u0027Leader of the House\u0027 and \u0027Leader of Opposition\u0027 are not\r\ndefined in the Constitution but used in the Article 175A(10). Two separate\r\nsentences with a full-stop have also been combined in this clause which is\r\nunusual in numbering separate legislative sentences. In Article 198, name of a\r\nHigh Court has been used like Lahore High Court, High Court of Sindh, Peshawar\r\nHigh Court and High Court of Baluchistan but for the Islamabad High Court, the\r\nwords \u0027High Court for Islamabad Capital Territory\u0027 have been used. The\r\nspellings of the Provinces of Baluchistan and Sindh have been changed in\r\nArticles 1, 51, 106 and 246 to \u0027 Balochistan\u0027 and \u0027Sindh\u0027 but spelling of the\r\nname of these Provinces occurring in other Articles of the Constitution\r\n(including Articles 192 and 198) have not been changed.\u003c/p\u003e\r\n\r\n\u003cp class=MsoNormal style=\u0027text-align:justify;mso-pagination:none;mso-layout-grid-align:\r\nnone;text-autospace:none\u0027\u003e\u003co:p\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/o:p\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\r\n\r\n\u003cp class=MsoNormal style=\u0027text-align:justify;mso-pagination:none;mso-layout-grid-align:\r\nnone;text-autospace:none\u0027\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0027font-size:10.0pt;color:red\u0027\u003e16. The\r\nQualification to Hold Public Offices Order, 2002 (Chief Executive\u0027s Order No.19\r\nof 2002).\u003co:p\u003e\u003c/o:p\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\r\n\r\n\u003cp class=MsoNormal style=\u0027text-align:justify;mso-pagination:none;mso-layout-grid-align:\r\nnone;text-autospace:none\u0027\u003e\u003co:p\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/o:p\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\r\n\r\n\u003cp class=MsoNormal style=\u0027text-align:justify;mso-pagination:none;mso-layout-grid-align:\r\nnone;text-autospace:none\u0027\u003eAmendments in Article 213 uses the terms \u0027Treasury\r\nBenches\u0027, \u0027Opposition Parties\u0027 and \u0027Parliamentary Leaders\u0027 without defining\r\nthem. These amendments do not provide solution in case of a deadlock in the\r\nParliamentary Committee. These have also failed to complete the chain as the\r\nappointment of the Chief Election Commissioner has to be made by the President,\r\non the advice of the Prime Minister, but there is no provision that the\r\nParliamentary Committee will forward its recommendation to the President or\r\nFederal Government. Similarly, clause (2A) or Article 213 does not bind the\r\nParliamentary Committee to confirm one person from the names forwarded by the\r\nPrime Minister in consultation with the Leader of Opposition in the National\r\nAssembly. After the amendment in Article 216(2), there will be proviso (a)\r\nwithout (b) or (c). In view of insertion of Article 140A(2), the words \u0027local\r\ngovernments\u0027 should also have been specifically mentioned in the Article 218(1)\r\nwhich provides the purpose for having a permanent Election Commission. The\r\nretired Judges of High Courts have been made eligible to be appointed as\r\nmembers of the Election Commission without specifying their term/tenure of\r\nappointment and method or manner of removal and resignation. Amendment in\r\nArticle 218(2) requires incorporation of additional provisions regarding the\r\naforesaid matters. The word \u0027and\u0027 occurring at the end of paragraph (b) of\r\nArticle 219 should have been omitted if the new paragraphs (d) and (e) are to\r\nbe inserted.\u003c/p\u003e\r\n\r\n\u003cp class=MsoNormal style=\u0027text-align:justify;mso-pagination:none;mso-layout-grid-align:\r\nnone;text-autospace:none\u0027\u003e\u003co:p\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/o:p\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\r\n\r\n\u003cp class=MsoNormal style=\u0027text-align:justify;mso-pagination:none;mso-layout-grid-align:\r\nnone;text-autospace:none\u0027\u003eAmendments in Article 224 disqualify the family\r\nmembers of the care-taker Prime Minister, Chief Minister or member of their\r\nCabinet. This effectively penalizes a person who may not be the beneficiary of\r\nthe care-taker Government. This could have been avoided by disqualifying the\r\nmembers of care-taker Cabinets to hold the position if any of their family\r\nmembers is contesting the elections during their tenure. The amendments, while\r\nmaking the Prime Minister and Chief Ministers Chief Executives, do not cater\r\nfor the situation of their absence from office due to any cause like death etc.\r\nThe President or a Governor can only summon a session of the National Assembly\r\nor Provincial Assembly on the advice of the Prime Minister or Chief Minister,\r\nas the case may be, even for election of the Prime Minister or Chief Minister.\r\nThere is no concept of Cabinet without Prime Minister or Chief Minister. This\r\nsituation also requires to be addressed for the Constitution that works.\u003c/p\u003e\r\n\r\n\u003cp class=MsoNormal style=\u0027text-align:justify;mso-pagination:none;mso-layout-grid-align:\r\nnone;text-autospace:none\u0027\u003e\u003co:p\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/o:p\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\r\n\r\n\u003cp class=MsoNormal style=\u0027text-align:justify;mso-pagination:none;mso-layout-grid-align:\r\nnone;text-autospace:none\u0027\u003eArticle 267B should have been made part of clause 2\r\n\u0027repeal\u0027 instead of inserting the provision in the body of the Constitution.\r\nNumerous entries from the Concurrent Legislative List have been transferred to\r\nthe Provinces by altogether omitting this List. There are number of laws under\r\nthose entries which exist as Federal laws. These laws provide the territorial\r\nextent of the laws as whole of Pakistan. A Provincial Assembly can only\r\nlegislate for the Province or a part thereof under Article 141 of the\r\nConstitution. Similarly, there are repeated references to the Federal\r\nGovernment in these laws. A provision similar to Article 268(4) for adaptation\u003cb\u003e\u003csup\u003e\u003cspan\r\nstyle=\u0027color:red\u0027\u003e17\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/sup\u003e\u003c/b\u003e\u0026quot; of these laws by the Provinces\r\nwithin a prescribed time period is required to smoothly implement transition of\r\nthese laws from being Federal to Provincial. Article 270AA(8) only provides the\r\nprocess of devolution of the matters mentioned in the Concurrent Legislative\r\nList but does not authorize adaptation of the Federal laws made in pursuance to\r\nthose matters.\u003c/p\u003e\r\n\r\n\u003cp class=MsoNormal style=\u0027text-align:justify;mso-pagination:none;mso-layout-grid-align:\r\nnone;text-autospace:none\u0027\u003e\u003co:p\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/o:p\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\r\n\r\n\u003cp class=MsoNormal style=\u0027text-align:justify;mso-pagination:none;mso-layout-grid-align:\r\nnone;text-autospace:none\u0027\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0027font-size:10.0pt;color:red;letter-spacing:\r\n.3pt\u0027\u003e17. Adaptation order is a device historically used for adaptation of laws\r\nafter distribution or redistribution of powers. Section of the Government of\r\nIndia Act, 1935 provided for issuance of adaptation order due to federal\r\nstructure of the Act. Section 18 of the Indian Independence Act, 1947 envisaged\r\nadaptation order for new Dominions. Article 224 of the Constitution of\r\nPakistan, 1956 protected the existing laws subject to necessary adaptation.\r\nArticle 225 of the Constitution of Pakistan, 1962 provided for the adaptation\r\nof the existing laws by the President and the Governor of the Province in\r\nrelation to the Federation or the, Province respectively. Article 19 of the\r\nProvince of West Pakistan (Dissolution) Order, 1970 also envisaged adaptation\r\nof laws. Article 268 of the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan\r\nprovides for adaptation orders and the adaptation orders have been made in\r\n1975.\u003co:p\u003e\u003c/o:p\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\r\n\r\n\u003cp class=MsoNormal style=\u0027text-align:justify;mso-pagination:none;mso-layout-grid-align:\r\nnone;text-autospace:none\u0027\u003e\u003co:p\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/o:p\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\r\n\r\n\u003cp class=MsoNormal style=\u0027text-align:justify;mso-pagination:none;mso-layout-grid-align:\r\nnone;text-autospace:none\u0027\u003eA special procedure for amendment in the Constitution\r\n(Eighteenth Amendment) Act has been prescribed in Article 267A. Parliament in a\r\njoint sitting may, within one year, effect appropriate changes in the\r\nprovisions of this Amendment Act through simple majority. It is an unnecessary\r\nburden on the Constitution as is operative only for a year and this special dispensation\r\noverrides the amendment clause which requires two third majority of the total\r\nmembership of both the Houses of the Parliament for an amendment to the\r\nConstitution. If it is absolutely necessary, a sunset clause for this provision\r\nthat provides for its automatic omission after 365 days should have been\r\ninserted in a section or schedule of the Act. Another option of making this\r\nprovision part of the Amendment Act and not part of the Constitution is also\r\nbetter than the present provision. In all, the Act is an example of bad\r\ndrafting that has the potential of defacing image of one of the best policy\r\nmeasures in the constitutional history of Pakistan. It provides great scope for\r\nlengthy Court hearings and different interpretations may be for decades to come.\u003c/p\u003e\r\n\r\n\u003cp class=MsoNormal style=\u0027text-align:justify;mso-pagination:none;mso-layout-grid-align:\r\nnone;text-autospace:none\u0027\u003e\u003co:p\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/o:p\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\r\n\r\n\u003c/div\u003e\r\n\r\n\r\n  \r\n\u003c/head\u003e\r\n \r\n\r\n\u003c/html\u003e\r\n"